Polio
Awareness Day: Medical Myths Die Hard
http://www.americandaily.com/article/15678
Smallpox in Brief
Compulsory Vaccination Negates the Spirit of Informed Consent
The Salk Vaccine and the "Disappearance" of Paralytic Polio
SUBHEADINGS:
Introduction: Manufacturing Epidemics
What is Polio?
Determining Cause and Effect
When Paralysis Follows Vaccination Campaigns
The Polio Campaign: The Epidemic that Never Was
THE POLIO CAMPAIGN: THE EPIDEMIC THAT NEVER WAS
PARALYSIS INCREASED FOLLOWING THE SALK VACCINE
1955: Salk Vaccination Begins
Chemicals vs. Microbes
My First "Exposure"
Paralysis Increased Following the Salk Vaccine
Was There Really an Epidemic?
Postscript #1: Excerpt From "Immunization: The Reality Behind The Myth", By
Walene James
Postscript #2: Dr. Viera Scheibner, 1999 Commentary on Polio
Postscript #3: Neurological Complications of Vaccinations, By Charles M. Poser,
M.D., FRCP
The heresy in challenging the
Jonas
Salk legend and suggesting that the cause of the mid-century
epidemic—assuming it really was an epidemic-was not caused by a microbiological
agent (poliovirus), may be comparable to observing that Islam is an intolerant
religion and a belligerent political
philosophy. Which perhaps was why House Resolution 526
(establishing Polio Awareness Day) passed by a voice vote on Sept. 19-albeit
while the House
floor was practically vacant of House members. In a body that
has never been more contentious as this Congress, and during a period when many
people and institutions have been stripped of sacred-cow stature, it's indeed a
tribute to the
public
relations clout of allopathic medicine to have maintained the
myth of vaccination's eradication of infectious and communicable disease.
That's not to say there were never instances of courage when it came to debates
in the House regarding vaccination. Around 1990, during a Congressional hearing,
I recall a young Rick Santorum (R-PA) seek to deny funds for a
CDC program that would have promoted vaccination compliance,
noting that the CDC had admitted that it had already achieved its goals for
vaccination rates that year. He was the only legislator making this argument,
because most politicians are too cowardly to speak their conscience, if there's
the slightest risk of being perceived as antagonistic towards children or modern
medicine.
But there were no instances of 'profiles in courage' in the House on September
19th. True to script, Rep. Nathan Deal introduced the Resolution by reminiscing
the glory days when Jonas Salk rescued this nation from paralysis and the iron
lung machine, and argued that every child today has the right to be vaccinated
against poliomyelitis. Representatives Frank Pallone (R-NJ) and Steve Rothman
(D-NJ) waxed on in similar fashion, noting that establishing October 1st as
Polio Awareness Day will help further amplify modern medicine's triumph over
polio 50 years ago, which in turn will help to increase polio vaccination rates
and thereby prevent another polio epidemic in the U.S. (Apparently, legislators
feel there's a deficiency of references in books, newspapers, documentaries, and
the internet to Salk, Sabin and the supposed laudable role that vaccination has
played in eradicating disease.)
What legislator could conceivably oppose this Resolution? None. Rep. Deal
observed that 10 percent of children under 3 years of age are not vaccinated
against polio. In trying to reconcile the reason for this, he parroted the
medical establishment's line, saying that "medicine is a victim of it's own
success": By having achieved victory over disease, parents no longer witness
outbreaks and have become too placid with regards to the recommended childhood
vaccines.
However, a growing number of parents would take issue with that. They still see
outbreaks today among fully vaccinated children. They still see paralysis occur.
(Many would be surprised to learn that rates of paralysis are about the same
today as they were over the past 60 years.) Rather than being negligent,
conscientious and responsible parents today are researching the issue and are
actively resisting what they sense as a growing fanaticism taking hold of public
health officials who seem to want to vaccinate everything that moves. Among the
36 medical physicians in my state coalition (www.CFIC.us)—who are themselves
parents—the main concern pertains to the efficacy of administering particular
types of vaccines, as well as the number of required doses—which has mushroomed
to about 39 doses of 11 different vaccines by 6 years of age. By the time a
child is finished primary school, he would have received roughly four times that
many doses.
It is primarily the dose-dependent aspect that many believe is responsible for
the rise in chronic diseases in children. Real autism rates—corrected for
over-diagnosis error—have soared in recent years to epidemic proportions in the
U.S. and developed nations. Many more journal articles have been associating
vaccinations to the rise in autoimmune diseases like type-1 diabetes and
asthma—which in children have more than doubled since 1980 in places where air
pollution has sharply declined. Attention-deficit disorder has also doubled
since that time; diabetes and learning disabilities have tripled, chronic
arthritis now affects nearly one in five Americans.
Controversies swirl around particular mandated vaccines, like pertussis (in DPT)
and measles (in MMR). The aggressive campaigns to mandate the risky hepatitis-b
vaccine (for children with negligible risk for the disease) and the precipitous
approval of the rotavirus vaccine (subsequently withdrawn from the market for
its adverse effects) have led many to conclude that state health agencies appear
far too eager to maximize vaccination rates at any cost—not just to maximize
receipt of federal grants that are directly matched to state vaccination
levels—but also as a reaction to bad publicity: High rates of vaccination makes
it appear that there's popular acceptance of it, as well as vindicate their
medical paradigm—the standard infectious disease theory—which has become a
cornerstone of their profession. In an ironic cycle, the Supreme Court's
perception in 1905 that there was a popular consensus behind smallpox
vaccinations led it to affirm compulsory vaccination laws. ("Deliberation By
Consensus" at http://americandaily.com/article/1165)
Smallpox in Brief
In other words, vaccine mandates force vaccination rates to rise, which
supposedly demonstrates to the courts that there's popular support for
vaccination, which emboldens legislators to enact more mandates, which provides
justification for health officials to clamor for more mandates and more money
for the development of more vaccines, which leads to more vaccines administered,
and back again. It's government by legislative fiat, then by judicial fiat,
followed by medical fiat. Proof of scientific effectiveness or safety—if it ever
enters the process at all—always employs limited in-house rule sets which may
sometimes yield objectively useful results for individual vaccines (depending on
the nature of the test), but never poses questions to test the efficacy of the
theory and practice of vaccination.
The converse situation plays an important role as well: If little or no
outbreaks occur among populations with low vaccination rates, then the
credibility of mainstream medical authorities would suffer. Before allopathy's
well-oiled public relations machine kicked into gear in earnest by 1914, that's
precisely what occurred with smallpox vaccination in the 18th and 19th
centuries: Smallpox was among the socalled "filth" diseases. It occurred in the
burgeoning cities of Europe and Russia where defecating upstream and drinking
the water downstream was not always among the proscribed practices in city
planning. Not only had poor sanitation and nutrition lay the foundation for
these diseases, it was also compulsory smallpox vaccination campaigns in the
late 19th and early 20th centuries that played a major role in decimating the
populations of Japan (48,000 deaths), England & Wales (44,840 deaths, after 97
per cent of the population had been vaccinated), Scotland, Ireland, Sweden,
Switzerland, Holland, Italy, India (3 million—all vaccinated), Australia,
Germany (124,000 deaths), Prussia (69,000 deaths—all revaccinated), and the
Philippines. Epidemics ended, or had never occurred, in cities where smallpox
vaccinations were either discontinued or never begun, and also after sanitary
reforms were instituted (Most notably in Munich-1880, Leicester-1878,
Barcelona-1804, Alicante-1827, India-1906, etc.).
Before health agencies and schools of public health were completely taken over
by allopathic medicine, the great legacy of the sanitary reformers—Max von
Penttenkofer, James T. Briggs, Dr. John Snow, Edwin Chadwick, Florence
Nightingale, Dr. Southwood Smith—was that they were able to eradicate cholera,
yellow fever, tuberculosis, typhus, typhoid, scarlet fever, diptheria, whooping
cough, measles and the bubonic plague long before vaccinations were developed or
routinely used. In many nations, mortalities from smallpox hadn't begun to
decline until the citizenry revolted against compulsory smallpox vaccination
laws. For example, the town of Leicester from 1878 to 1898 stood in stark
contrast to the rest of England where thousands were dying from the aggressive
half century-old government mandatory immunization campaigns.
By 1907 the Vaccination Acts of England were repealed, with the help of some of
the world's preeminent scientists who had turned staunchly against vaccination:
Alfred Russel Wallace (one of the founders of modern evolutionary biology and
zoogeography, and co-discoverer with Charles Darwin of the Theory of Natural
selection), Charles Creighton (Britain's most learned epidemiologist and medical
historian), William Farr (epidemiologist and medical statistician, first to
describe how seasonal epidemics rise and fall—known today as Farr's Law"), and
the renowned Dr. Edgar M. Crookshank, Professor of Bacteriology and Comparative
Pathology in King's College, London, and author of the scathing scientific
critique of vaccination, The History and Pathology of Vaccination (1889).
But before the law was amended in 1898 to include a conscientious exemption
clause, an average of 2,000 parents per year were jailed and prosecuted—some
repeatedly—for resisting vaccination. Large numbers went to prison in default of
paying fines. Hundreds had their homes and possessions seized.
By 1919, England and Wales had become one of the least vaccinated countries, and
had only 28 deaths from smallpox, out of a population of 37.8 million people. By
contrast, during that same year, out of a population of 10 million—all triply
vaccinated over the prior 6 years—the Philippine Islands registered 47,368
deaths from smallpox.
Compulsory Vaccination Negates the Spirit of Informed Consent
Before allopathic medicine could rewrite the history of smallpox, a century had
to pass to ensure that prior generations—who had actually lived that history—had
died off. Since the rebellion against the draconian 1907 Vaccination Acts and to
date, Britain has not instituted any compulsory vaccination laws. But the U.S.
has. They're known as the "no shots, no school" laws. The enforcement of these
mandates vary from state to state. In New York, the medical exemption from the
requirement is practically useless, as public health officials routinely veto
the clinical judgments of private care pediatricians who certify that a child
may be susceptible to adverse reactions to a vaccine.
The religious waiver is also difficult to obtain. The federal district court
which found the prior NY statute unconstitutional in 1987 had warned that
"defining 'religion' for legal purposes is an inherently tricky proposition",
and that sincerity testing "must be undertaken with extreme caution". Yet local
schools boards in NY are granted wide discretion in screening religious
applicants for the waiver. Some school districts subject parents and extended
family members to hours of depositions with attorneys for the school, and
require every family member's medical records. So intrusive are some of these
inquiries that the chairman of the Health Committee in the state assembly—a
staunch advocate of both vaccination and the First Amendment, as well as the
longest presiding chairperson of this committee in NY's history—became the prime
sponsor of legislation to amend the exemption provisions to have these religious
tribunals terminated.
Some school administrators extract information from parents that goes well
beyond the parents' descriptions of their religious beliefs. Some parents are
denied the waiver because they give their children aspirin, pain killers, foods
with artificial ingredients, or take their children to the pediatrician or
dentist (etc.). Indeed, some school systems employ screening regimes so
restrictive as to require recipients of the religious waiver to reject the
entire pharmacopoeia of modern medicine, as well as the medical advice and
directives of their physicians, school nurses, or public health officials. In
short, to qualify for the religious waiver in many school districts, parents
must demonstrate a lifestyle akin to that of a 7th-century Tibetan monk.
In the best tradition of "heads I win, tails you lose", for parents to withhold
some of these medical services—including vaccinations themselves—could lead to a
finding of maltreatment and a petition to remove the children from parental
custody: A child's vaccination status is listed in the risk assessment
instrument used by child welfare caseworkers, and an unvaccinated or
undervaccinated child requires there be a full (and intrusive) investigation of
the parents by the state's children's protective services agency.
Some parents are forced to hire attorneys to assist them, or to refute charges
of truancy or medical negligence for withholding vaccinations from their
children. (Schools often notify Child Welfare precipitously.) To avoid these and
other hardships, many parents have either resorted to homeschooling, or moved
into another school district. Some have even moved out of New York State.
According to the Home School Legal Defense Association, the primary reason for
the growth in homeschooling is due to the frustrations parents experience in
pursuing their religious and medical choices—a good portion of that involves
state vaccination mandates.
And to add insult to injury, we have legislators like Rep. Nathan Deal
explaining that the reason children are not sufficiently vaccinated is not
because their parents wish to make careful and prudent decisions about their
children's health, but rather because they're too complacent today about what
health authorities arrogantly term, "vaccine-preventable diseases". If this
affront to individual liberties and informed consent continues, then future
mainstream medical historians will have to fabricate yet another story, this
time to coverup how this current generation of children became neurologically
impaired.
The Salk Vaccine and the "Disappearance" of Paralytic Polio
With that brief introduction into the minor heresy of questioning the value of
vaccination, I will now tackle the greater heresy, to wit, (1) Was there really
a "polio" epidemic? and (2) Was paralysis a sequelae from viral infection? This
is not a conspiracy rant. I don't dwell on motives of supposed evil
doers. Instead, this is a sober scientific inquiry into medical fraud, which
didn't require 100 years to pass before the public could be duped. It occurred
in real time.
This essay challenges the two basic popular contentions about the polio epidemic
of the 1950s. First, there's the claim that there was a genuine epidemic, in
spite of, for example, the biased and grossly flawed epidemiology by public
health officials, which included the manipulation of statistics, diagnostic
criteria, and case definitions that artificially inflated cases prior to
the Salk vaccine, and then artificially deflated them after the vaccine
was administered. If there was indeed an epidemic (i.e. a genuine increase in
paralysis), then the second consideration is to determine if it was caused by a
microbial pathogen (poliovirus), or in my opinion, chemical and biological
toxins with nutritional cofactors?
SUBHEADINGS:
• Introduction: Manufacturing Epidemics
• What is Polio?
• Determining Cause and Effect
• When Paralysis Follows Vaccination Campaigns
• The Polio Campaign: The Epidemic that Never Was
• Paralysis Increased Following the Salk Vaccine
• Was There Really an Epidemic?
Postscript #1: Excerpt From "Immunization: The Reality Behind The Myth", By
Walene James
Postscript #2: Dr. Viera Scheibner, 1999 Commentary on Polio
Postscript #3: Neurological Complications of Vaccinations, By Charles M. Poser,
M.D., FRCP
An reasonable question to ask is, why focus on a disease thought to have been
conquered a half century ago? For those not old enough to know, the eradication
of polio during the 1950s has been heralded ever since as the triumph of
vaccination over disease—often supplanting the bluster that vaccination
triumphed over smallpox.
In the State of New York, for example, the "success" of the Salk vaccine is
specifically cited by the legislature as justification for the enactment of the
vaccination requirements for school (Legislative Findings of L.1966, c.994,
Section 1, effective 1/1/1967). The Historical Notes read, "One of the truly
great medical advances of this generation has been the development of proved
methods of reducing the incidence of poliomyelitis, the once great crippler.
Public health statistics show clearly that immunization is at least 90%
effective in preventing paralysis. Immunization has been proven absolutely safe
and there is no evidence or indication that anyone has contracted paralytic
polio from an immunization dose."
As the controversy over live virus polio vaccination has finally overtaken the
vaccine promoters, I suspect not even the Department of Health would assert that
last sentence today. Nevertheless, the purported effectiveness of the vaccine is
still 'lore' today, and was the basis to enact the 'law' in NYS in the first
instance.
The following is a lay article, to be sure. But the information presented about
the 1950's polio "epidemic" speaks for itself, and in a perfect world, it would
be reason enough to rescind the above statute, not to mention make a mockery of
Polio Awareness Day.
INTRODUCTION: Manufacturing Epidemics
To appreciate how epidemics can be "created", one has to understand the degree
of control that public health officials have throughout the entire process.
Public health agencies have assumed wide discretion in announcing "public health
alerts". Such powers have been abused. The CDC loosely defines an "epidemic" as
5 or more confirmed cases clustered in a concentrated area. An "area" may be a
few city blocks, or an entire country. An "outbreak" is defined as at least one
case in one area. There's also a loose standard by which if one person living in
a household has a confirmed case of a "communicable" disease, then there's no
need to draw blood to test anyone else with similar symptoms living in that same
household.
Also, there's an over-reliance on incidence statistics rather than mortality, to
demonstrate vaccination effectiveness. However, statisticians tell us that
mortality statistics can be a better measure of incidence than the incidence
figures themselves, for the simple reason that the quality of reporting and
record-keeping is much higher on fatalities. [Darrell Huff, How to Lie With
Statistics, p. 84] In 1982, Maryland state health officials blamed a epidemic on
a television program, "DPT: Vaccine Roulette", which warned of the risks from
the DPT vaccine. However, when Dr. J. Anthony Morris, former chief virologist
for the U.S. Division of Biological Standards, had analyzed the 41 cases, only 5
were confirmed cases of pertussis, and all 5 had been vaccinated against the
disease. [Trevor Gunn, "Mass Immunization: A Point in Question", p 15 (E.D.
Hume, Pasteur Exposed-The False Foundations of Modern Medicine, Bookreal,
Australia, 1989.)]
Historically, public health officials have routinely increased disease
surveillance in areas of low vaccination acceptance as a retaliatory response
(a) against people who reject Modern Medicine's vaunted public health tool, and
(b) to justify predictions that outbreaks will occur because of said rejection.
Intensified surveillance for whooping cough in Britain, Japan, and Sweden, for
example, had followed steep declines in pertussis vaccination rates in those
countries.
Sometimes the increased disease surveillance is accompanied by a relaxation of
the case definition of the disease, and lowered criteria required for its
diagnosis. Subclinical and borderline cases are suddenly classified as "severe".
Suspected cases are permitted to be clinically diagnosed without laboratory
confirmation. After 1955, for example, polio had "disappeared" following the
Salk vaccine, only because thereafter clinicians hung new and different names on
the same polio-like symptoms. In fact, it appears that it was the Salk vaccine
itself that was the "great crippler", and that paralysis would have disappeared
sooner, had we done without the vaccine. This type of skewering of medical
statistics has also occurred with common diseases such as flu, and with major
pandemics like AIDS, a syndrome of 30 disparate diseases said to be infectious.
Finally, there are two primary means by which public health officials
manufacture infectious or communicable diseases where there are none, or where
the causes may be chemical or environmental toxins. First, because symptoms from
chemical toxins or malnourishment (poor nutrition) closely mimic symptoms from
infectious diseases (ie.: the catarrhal and zymotic diseases that allopaths deem
to be caused by biological pathogens), the former can often be hidden under the
latter. Many journal papers have been written supporting such theories for West
Nile, Mad Cow, "Foot & Mouth" (U.K.), Legionaires', AIDS (self-induced drug
toxemias), and dozens of others. Public health officials exacerbate this medical
bias through their notorious inclination to shun investigations into possible
non-infectious causes.
Secondly, the commonality of human symptoms across diseases of different names
enables public health officials to artificially inflate one disease from a large
available cache of disparate disease categories. Specifically, there's a limited
number possible combinations and sequences of fever, cough, sinus mucous,
diarrhea, and skin lesions and rashes. Yet there are thousands of different
names for infectious diseases which include these symptoms. Thus, hundreds of
different diseases are symptomatically interchangeable. This enables health
officials, for examples, to claim that there's a West Nile virus epidemic
despite the fact that the normal background incidence of encephalitic reactions
for that given year, for that given locality, hadn't risen at all. (The increase
in bird mortalities caused by environmental pollution is a key factor not
considered or investigated by officials in this example.)
Similarly, health officials may alert us to a flu epidemic, despite the fact
that the normal background incidence of fever, muscle stiffness, and sinus
release may have remained level, or even have dropped. Since so many other
diseases share these same symptoms, it merely requires a clinician to report a
cluster of "flu". The deception (and self-deception) is facilitated and
perpetuated through subsequent DoH bulletins ordering clinicians to increase
disease surveillance for flu, and concomitantly, to relax the case-definition
and requirements for lab confirmation.
The final result is an "epidemic" that was actually non-existent, or grossly
inflated. Yet public health agencies are able to achieve what every
publicly-funded entity requires to thrive: They remind the public of how much
they are needed. The gullible media aids them in this endeavor by routinely
dropping their usual objectivity and deferring to the medical experts. (What
newspaper wants to be held responsible for risking lives by challenging the
advice of medical authorities?)
Most people would be surprised to learn that there are more than one thousand
outbreaks worldwide each year, including colds, seasonal flues, hepatitus, and
numerous noninfectious syndromes, all running their course and disappearing,
often despite remaining unexplained by scientists. Even the dreaded Ebola
epidemic failed to materialize. The CDC claimed that 108 people may have been
killed by the Ebola in Zaire in 1995. However, there had been no further deaths
and not a single case has ever been reported in the U.S. or Europe. As historian
Elizabeth Etheridge wrote, "the epidemic was virtually over before their work
[CDC & WHO] began" (Sentinel for Health, 1992).
Considering the speed from exposure to death, the mortalities were more likely
the result of a chemical toxicological agent. A couple of other indications
point in that direction: Symptoms were rarely seen outside the localized area
where it began. And 20 per cent of the 55 million Zairens are Ebola virus
antibody-positive, having survived the virus without apparent disease (Dietrich
J.,1995). One guess is that those who became sick had been exposed to the deadly
cleaning solvents and oils that are often left at military base camps—possibly
from groundwater contamination. Indeed, civil wars extending across 8 nations in
central Africa killed about 2.5 million African civilians between 1998 and 2001
alone.
If it were not for the gullible media and fanatical virus hunters seeking fame
and fortune, this virus would have joined the ranks of the thousands of known
harmless passenger viruses. According to renowned molecular biologist Peter
Duesberg, "these many outbreaks provide the CDC with its inexhaustible source of
epidemics" (Inventing The AIDS Virus, 1996).
In conclusion, such deceptions skew the correct picture of disease prevalence.
Too often, an apparent rise in cases of a disease is an artifact of
epidemiological methodology—and bias. State legislatures cannot properly
ascertain which vaccines to mandate based upon information provided solely from
health officials. Dissenters outside, and from within the medical community must
also be heard. Thus, given the traditional abuse of this responsibility by
health officials, it is imprudent to continue to vest public health officials
sole authority during states of "public health alerts"—particularly when they're
so poorly defined and entail such a low threshold to demonstrate.
WHAT IS POLIO?
Poliomyelitis is the inflammation of the gray matter of the spinal cord. Its
clinical symptoms are varied, and in most cases, oddly enough, do not involve
the spinal cord at all. Medical manuals report that most cases of polio are of a
minor nature, the symptoms, if any, being fever, malaise, drowsiness, headache,
nausea, vomiting, constipation, or sore throat in various combinations. The
disease may last from 2 to 10 days, with recovery being rapid and complete. The
more serious forms produce stiffness and pain in the back and neck and
occasionally paralysis of some parts of the body, usually temporary. Death does
occur, but infrequently.
What is the Cause of Polio?
Conventional medicine believes that polio is caused by a microbiological
agent—poliovirus—for which a vaccine would be an appropriate preventative of the
disease. Yet the viral mechanism to account for paralytic polio has yet to be
established. (Similarly, the chemical mechanism for most viral diseases,
including smallpox, have yet to be described.) While scientists can isolate the
virus from tissue, and believe they know which part of the virus is responsible
for attacking the nervous system, virologist Jonathan Weber, senior lecturer at
the Royal Postgraduate Medical School in London—in an essay arguing that HIV is
the cause of AIDS—wrote in the New Scientist (May 5th, 1988, page 32) that,
"…the relationship between the virus and paralytic polio is still [merely] an
epidemiological association; the majority of infections with polio virus do not
lead to paralysis, the clinical manifestation of the illness."
Indeed, that may be an understatement. Boyd's Textbook of Pathology (8th
Edition, 1984) states, "90-95% poliovirus infections are inapparent"—which means
the virus doesn't produce any symptoms of disease in almost all people who are
infected with poliovirus. Among the 5-10% who do exhibit symptoms, the virus
causes "a mild disease of headache, nausea, and fever. A few cases progress to
aseptic meningitis, consisting of pains in the back and neck, ending in rapid
and complete recovery. In less than 2% of total cases, poliovirus infection
causes flaccid paralysis, frequently with…loss of muscle enervation, which may
be prolonged and is often irreversible." Nevertheless, according to Muir's
Textbook of Pathology, 9th Edition, 1972, polio cases without paralysis are
about 20 times as common as paralytic cases. And that, "such cases are difficult
or impossible to recognize on clinical grounds alone, since they simulate minor
gastrointestinal or respiratory infections from other causes"—not unlike a
severe cold. And prior to the Salk vaccine, there were no virus confirmation
tests. Thus, one wonders today how polio could have struck terror in people a
half century ago. As it turned out, a public relations campaign can take credit
for that. (More on that later.)
Some believe that gene fragments (viruses) that have been associated with polio
and all its clinical twins may be mere happenstance, or at best serological
markers, possibly from the putrefaction of proteins in the blood, which is more
likely responsible for the various forms of the disease. Other non-viral
contributing factors that have been suggested range from vitamin and mineral
deficiency, to toxicological, to factors that hinder our capacity to manage
toxins and metabolic waste—such as tonsillectomies—as was suggested by Boyd's
Textbook. While there are currently "only" a couple of hundred thousand
tonsillectomies performed annually, the operation had peaked in medical
popularity to 2 million during the 1930s and 40s—the same years that paralytic
polio began to develop in significant numbers.
Another cause of paralysis that displaces the poliovirus theory may be
pesticides. A great deal of evidence for this is displayed on Jim West's (harpub@hotmail.com)
website, www.bcity.com/harpub. Insightful commentary regarding this polio site
may be found at: www2.prestel.co.uk/littleton/index.htm
DETERMINING CAUSE AND EFFECT
The reader should be aware of a scientific axiom that is often forgotten or
ignored by medical researchers: correlation does not prove causality. The
mere presence of viruses, viroids or fragmented genes during disease may merely
be coincidental, or a derivative of the underlying condition, and does not
demonstrate causality.
For example, there was an abundance of different serological markers that
correlated as highly to the various AIDS-defining diseases as HIV had. One or
more of these indicators may have at least provided clues to the cause of the
syndrome, though not necessarily represent the cause in and of itself. Yet not
surprisingly, it was NCI researcher Robert Gallo, a specialist in retroviruses,
who claimed that a retrovirus was the cause of AIDS. Soon after that claim,
without a single study published that indicted HIV, HHS Secretary Margaret
Heckler announced that HIV was the cause of AIDS, and that research grants would
be available to those who wish to study that virus. Everything that happened
since then was inevitable: Hence, a virus that has barely enough genes to enable
it to reproduce itself, is now deemed to be the cause of over 30 exceedingly
disparate and deadly AIDS-defining diseases.
Correlation and causality in the epidemiology of AIDS is just one of the
subjects discussed in
"Infectious AIDS: Have We Been Misled?" (©1995, North Atlantic Books), Renowned
virologist Peter Duesberg mentions hundreds of diseases previously thought to be
microbial were later shown to be toxicologically induced or nutritional
deficiencies (p.330). The book is a compilation of Duesberg's published articles
(in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, for example) that
disputes the HIV theory of AIDS. His other book, "AIDS: Inventing The AIDS
Virus" (©1996, Regnery Publishing, Washington, D.C.) is an excellent companion
book for the layperson, and provides fine analogs to the 1950's polio
"epidemic", as both slap new labels to previously existing disease complexes.
What is the Cause of Paralytic Polio?
While conventional medicine has yet to suggest a direct viral mechanism for
polio, there are plausible toxicological mechanisms. One such mechanism to
account for paralytic diseases may be manifested by vaccination itself. In
addition to highly antigenic (toxic) proteins and foreign viral particles,
vaccines contain poisonous preservatives, adjuvants, neutralizers, carrying
agents and extracting agents, such as thimerosal (a mercury derivative),
benzethonium chloride, methyl paraben, phenol red, pyridene, ethanol, ethylene
chlorophyrin, aluminum hydroxide, aluminum hydrochloride, sodium hydroxide,
aluminum sulfate, aluminum potassium sulfate, sorbitol, hydrolized gelatin,
carbonic acid, thiosalicylic acid, and formaldehyde (in the form of formalin).
None of these chemicals are indigenous to the body, yet they're injected
directly into the bloodstreams of two, four, and six month old infants—whose
immune systems are not fully developed—bypassing important mucosal immune system
barriers, as well as the liver, whose purpose it is to filter poisons before it
gets into the blood. The medical literature and toxicology textbooks rank these
chemicals as highly toxic poisons and potent carcinogens. The other component in
vaccines—foreign proteins—can act as allergens, in which the most acute reaction
may be anaphylactic shock, possibly leading to convulsions and death within
minutes.
Injected proteins are also the likeliest suspects in causing paralytic symptoms.
In the absence of digestive juices in the blood, these proteins decompose
(putrefy) yielding extremely poisonous endotoxins, like ptomaines, creatins,
xanthins, purines, indoles, skatols, phenols, leucomaines, uric acids, and
indoxyl-sulphuric acids. These toxins are often eliminated (removed from the
blood) vicariously through the mucous membranes or by diffusion into the spinal
fluid. In the former, this irritating excretion causes an inflammation attended
by mild fever, malaise, perhaps slight stiffness in the neck, with recovery in a
few days for most children. In the latter case, if the child is already in a
toxic state, with subnormal adrenal glands, the toxins build up in the mucous
membranes of the sinuses. As the membranes of the brain are in close proximity,
it is a simple matter for these fluids to penetrate brain tissue and the spinal
cord. Stiffness and paralysis follows from that. The prognosis for recovery
hinges on how quickly these toxins can be eliminated from the system, and may
account for numerous reported clinical successes through fasting and
detoxification supervised by chiropractors and naturopaths during the 1950s
through to today.
Undigested Proteins From Diet
Whether it's from injected chemicals or protein toxins, if the cause of
paralysis is indeed toxicological rather than microbial, we can expect to see
examples of dose-dependent relationships that are characteristic of the former.
And in fact there is a dietary link that conforms to this mechanism that may
account for the generally milder forms of the disease (e.g. non-permanent
weakness and stiffness of the muscles in the limbs). This diet may involve
toxemia caused by the residue of "acid-type foods", compounded by foods
containing refined sugar that adversely affects calcium and bone metablolism:
The end products of digestion are either acid or alkaline, depending upon the
kind of food eaten. Meat, eggs, pasteurized milk and dairy products, breads,
cereals, refined foods and most cooked foods are decidedly acid in reaction,
producing great excesses of phosphorous, sulfur and chlorine. Raw fruits and
vegetables provide the alkaline mineral salts (calcium, magnesium, iron, etc.).
An alkaline blood and lymph is necessary to life and health, since the cells of
the body are bathed in alkaline fluids. The body uses its alkaline mineral salts
to neutralize acids, and if these acids are allowed to accumulate excessively,
the alkaline minerals will be leeched from the tissues to serve this function.
Calcium, being the most abundant and readily available alkaline mineral (bones,
teeth, etc.), is sacrificed in this way. Pasteurized milk, being extremely
acid-forming in reaction (as opposed to raw milk, which is alkaline),
necessitates the withdrawal of calcium from the body. In fact, all acid-forming
foods require neutralizing, and thus cause a depletion of the body's alkaline
reserve. In short, humans require an alkaline-forming diet for health. An
acid-forming diet causes disease.
There is evidence to show that in all cases of polio, there is a deficiency in
blood calcium. What lowers blood calcium? Acid-forming foods (practically
everything except raw fruits and vegetables) and refined sugar in any form—ice
cream, cola drinks, cakes and pies, ketchup, white flour, malteds, ices, etc.,
all steal calcium from the body. Refined sugar is converted (decomposes via
fermentation) into alcohol almost immediately after it is taken into the body
and does the same damage that alcohol does. It dehydrates the cells and leeches
calcium from the nerves, muscles, bones, teeth, and all other tissues that are
supplied with calcium. Refined sugar is absorbed into the blood almost
immediately, causing the blood sugar level to rise, thus producing more and more
carbonic acid. Carbonic acid has a chemical affinity (attraction) for minerals,
especially calcium, which it dissolves from the teeth and bony structures. The
bloodstream, acidified by sugar consumption, has a corrosive action on the
minerals of the teeth. It is calcium particularly, which is dissolved and a
serious calcium deficiency is a forerunner to polio.
For example, consider ice cream consumption by children. Unlike meat, ice
cream—containing huge amounts of protein and sugar—may be consumed in prodigious
amounts. It is also cold, and therefore in a state that is difficult to digest.
What does not digest will decompose, leading to the poisoning mechanism
described earlier. The rise of polio (known as the "summertime disease") and its
symptomatic twins can be traced to the widespread introduction of refrigeration
and the increased consumption of ice cream and other concentrated protein foods.
In fact, the well-known piercing pain—known as "brain freeze"—that many people
feel behind their nose, eyes, or temples right after eating ice cream may be
explained by protein toxins building up in the mucous membranes of the sinuses,
described earlier.
A campaign to restrict ice cream and sugar consumption—instituted in 1948 by Dr.
Benjamin P. Sandler, a medical doctor and nutrition expert at the Oteen
Veteran's Hospital, N.C—had lead to drastic declines in the incidence of polio.
In just one year the number of polio cases dropped 90%. The North Carolina State
Board of Health reported 2,498 cases of polio in the Tarheel Commonwealth during
1948. In 1949—after that campaign began—that figure dropped to 229 (with no
polio vaccine available yet). Dr. Sandler's researches showed specifically that
the modern tendency to consume excessive amounts of cola and fountain drinks and
frozen foods in hot weather, loaded with refined sugar, was responsible for the
rise in polio cases. The phosphoric acid in soda absorbs the phosphorus and
sulfates in the foods we eat before they metabolize. The nerves are thus
deprived of the necessary phosphorus and sulfate, and certain nerve trunks cease
to function. The victim loses the use of one of more limbs.
This non-viral mechanism seems to confirm the epidemiology of this disease—one
which generally affected affluent societies during the summer months. (In "The
Mysteries Within", author Sherman B. Nuland accurately conveyed what was
observed at the time—that polio was a middle-to-upper class disease.) First,
more frozen deserts and sweeted beverages are consumed during the summer months.
Second, the affluent could better afford to avail their children with the
services of physicians, and being better educated as well, would be more
inclined to make sure that their children were fully immunized with the
recommended (by 1944) doses each of diphtheria and pertussis vaccines. The
pertussis vaccine has been the most notoriously associated with adverse
neurological injuries. (The combined DPT vaccine was introduced after 1947, with
the pertussis component still inducing the most damages according to VAERS
data.)
Contracting polio by swimming in dirty ponds was obviously a whimsical notion
for the virus hunters—one whose only virtue was that it validated their chosen
career path in microbiology, and financially sustained their research in
virology.
WHEN PARALYSIS FOLLOWS VACCINATION CAMPAIGNS
Neurological effects are the most commonly known reactions that follow
vaccinations. In nearly 20% of VAERS reports, the first of eight listed side
effects suggests central nervous system involvement. Examining the first listed
effects shows about 4,600 involving such symptoms as prolonged screaming,
agitation, apnea, ataxia, visual disturbances, convulsions, tremors, twitches,
an abnormal cry, hypotonia, hypertonia, abnormal sensations, stupor, somnolence,
neck rigidity, paralysis, confusion, and oculogyric crisis. The last is a
striking feature of post-encephalitic Parkinson's disease, or it may occur as a
dystonic reaction to certain drugs such as phenothiazines. The CDC admits that
the results of ongoing studies on a potential association of hepatitis B vaccine
and demyelinating diseases such as multiple sclerosis are not yet available.
Epidemiological evidence suggests that a common cause of polio epidemics has
often been vaccination itself. Paralytic disease has been recorded hundreds of
years ago. But epidemic numbers hadn't appeared until the latter part of the
19th century when compulsory smallpox vaccination was instituted. A major
outbreak of infantile paralysis followed a diphtheria toxin-antitoxin
vaccination campaign in the United States in 1916. Worst hit was New York City,
where 9023 cases were reported with 2448 deaths ("Breakthrough: The Saga of
Jonas Salk", by P. Carter). Pertussis and typhoid vaccination campaigns had also
been implicated in outbreaks: Polio cases began to soar in 1948-9 when pertussis
vaccine began.
And by January 1977, Langmuir (1979) reported that out of 43 million who were
vaccinated with the Swine Flu vaccine, 3905 vaccine injury claims were filed,
with 500 cases of Guillain-Barré syndrome (GBS) medically established, and 25
deaths. The relative risk of acquiring GBS during the six weeks after
vaccination was about ten (10) times the endemic expectation (i.e.: blood
poisoning from other sources).
A report on Vaccination and Immunization, published by The Howey Foundation,
Surrey, England (which takes an impartial look at all vaccination procedures)
stated flatly: "It is now accepted that paralytic poliomyelitis was
precipitated by diphtheria vaccines and tonsillectomies, and other vaccines have
also been implicated. This almost certainly accounts for the sudden upsurge
between 1940 and 1950 of what had been a declining disease…Since the
introduction of poliomyelitis vaccine there have been many cases of
poliomyelitis in fully vaccinated persons and instances of the vaccine actually
leading to the disease."
Finally, in April 2005, Harold E Buttram, M.D., wrote the following in his
article, "Vaccines and Immune Suppression", at
http://www.redflagsweekly.com/articles/2005_apr07.html:
In the text, The Hazards of Immunization (*), by Sir Graham Wilson, there is a
chapter entitled "Indirect Effects (of Vaccines): Provocation Disease." Although
Wilson was not in principle opposed to immunizations, the book was directed at a
review of known or suspected adverse effects from vaccines. In this particular
chapter, one of the examples was that of the typhoid vaccine given to members of
the German Army during World War I; that is, if typhoid vaccine were given
during the incubation phase of this disease, the vaccine sometimes provoked a
sudden and severe attack of typhoid fever. The same applied for poliomyelitis,
about which Wilson quoted a variety of published reports showing that children
had many times greater incidence of poliomyelitis who had received an injection
of DTP vaccine in preceding 4 to 6 weeks as compared with uninoculated groups,
or those not recently immunized.
* The Hazards of Immunization, Sir Graham Wilson, Athlone Press, University of
London, 1967, Pages 265-280. (note: this out-of-print book is available free to
activists and researchers from Coalition For Informed Choice.)
Sidebar information:
Irish Examiner Archives: 08/05/03
http://www.irishexaminer.com
Ryle Dwyer—journalist with the Irish Examiner (Irish Examiner, May 1)—writes on
the horror of the 1918-20 pandemic which the propaganda says was caused by
Spanish flu.
How did they know it was the virus of Spanish flu that killed millions of
civilians and soldiers? This disaster occurred when viruses were unknown to
medical science.
It took a British science team to identify the first virus in man in 1933.
As regards the origin of the outbreak, he relates that a senior US army officer
suggested that the Germans might have been responsible for the bug as part of
their war effort, by spreading it in theatres or where large numbers of people
assembled. Did they also spread it among their own people, killing 400,000 as
reported?
Ryle would have us believe that all those American soldiers who died from
non-combatant causes may have died from Spanish flu. But US Army records show
that seven men dropped dead after being vaccinated.
A report from US Secretary of War Henry L Stimson not only verified these deaths
but also stated that there had been 63 deaths and 28,585 cases of hepatitis as a
direct result of yellow fever vaccination during only six months of the war.
That was only one of the 14 to 25 shots given to recruits.
Army records also reveal that after vaccination became compulsory in the US Army
in 1911, not only did typhoid increase rapidly but all other vaccinal diseases
increased at an alarming rate. After America entered the war in 1917, the death
rate from typhoid vaccination rose to the highest point in the history of the US
Army.
The deaths occurred after the shots were given in sanitary American hospitals
and well-supervised army camps in France, where sanitation had been practised
for years. The report of the Surgeon-General of the US Army shows that during
1917 there were admitted into the army hospitals 19,608 men suffering from
anti-typhoid inoculation and vaccinia.
This takes no account of those whose vaccine diseases were attributed to other
causes. The army doctors knew all these cases of disease and death were due to
vaccination and were honest enough to admit it in their medical reports.
When army doctors tried to suppress the symptoms of typhoid with a stronger
vaccine, it caused a worse form of typhoid paratyphoid. But when they concocted
an even stronger vaccine to suppress that one, they created an even worse
disease Spanish flu.
After the war, this was one of the vaccines used to protect a panic-stricken
world from the soldiers returning from WWI battlefronts infected with dangerous
diseases.
The rest is history.
Source:
http://www.examiner.ie/pport/web/opinion/Full_Story/did-sg0mhRGR66i1Msgdq-nXlDAyFE.asp
Chemicals vs. Microbes
We can test the non-viral mechanism further. As mentioned before, toxicological
diseases are dose-dependent: The more toxins there are, the more disease. Polio
is an "endemic" disease—habitually appearing in limited and consistent numbers
in all parts of the world. But when epidemics have appeared, they were usually
preceded by toxicological assaults that could account for them. One type of
assault has been vaccination. Encephalitis and paralysis has been established
clinical "side effects" of vaccination. And parents of children with these
neurological injuries typically report that the more severe and permanent
symptoms occurred after followup vaccinations and boosters—often after the
physician assured the parent that the reactions from the initial vaccines were
"harmless" and "normal". Recent books about the autism epidemic, such as David
Kirby's "Evidence of Harm", document how the chemical preservative, Thimerasol,
seems to have a cummulative effect on children genetically predisposed to the
biological mechanism hypothesized therein.
All in all, neurological injuries following vaccination seem to increase in
severity and type following additional vaccinations. This is the hallmark of the
dose-dependent relationship of chemical toxins. The bias in the medical
establishment favoring microbial evidence of causation is not only a common
scientific bias (searching in a familiar venue), but also an institutional bias
(it validates the institutions and careers so heavily invested in the hunt for
microbes and the diseases to blame on them).
Certainly many deem it heretical to suggest that the 1950s polio epidemic was
not caused by polio virus. Equally so with the claim that the AIDS pandemic is
not caused by HIV—despite the unprecedented branding of the name with the
subtitle, "the virus that causes AIDS". (I would venture that it was and
is a desperate attempt to shut down further debate and challenges from the
growing number of renowned scientists who have joined the Group for the
Reappraisal of HIV-AIDS) It's nevertheless instructional to realize that the
medical establishment is capable and intent upon blaming microbial agents for
non-microbial diseases: poisons from decomposing proteins, or pesticides or
other substances in the case of polio, and long-term recreational drug abuse in
the case of AIDS.
My First "Exposure"
This section on Legionnaires' Disease illustrates how illnesses from chemical
toxins are erroneously attributed to infectious microbiological agents. You'll
also read in the section that follows, several state public health officials
during the 1950s declare the polio campaign a fraud. To allege that fabricating
an epidemic is possible opens the door halfway into accepting these 'heresies'.
But actually Believing that the fraud occurs routinely opens the door
completely. My first inclination to believe this occurred before I had
any knowledge about the fallacious contentions regarding polio and smallpox. In
1979, I read a three-page article that started to change my perspective. The
protagonist in "What Dr. Runsdorf Knows (And the Government Doesn't) About
Legionnaires' Disease" (Phil Patton, New York magazine, January 29, 1979,
p.30) was a Brooklyn surgeon whose independent investigation into the outbreaks
of pneumonia revealed that they were not infections from a bacterium, as the CDC
concluded, but rather a chemical toxin.
The first incident occurred in August 1976, when the disease struck an American
Legion convention at the Bellevue Stratford Hotel in Philadelphia, eventually
killing 29 of the 180 people in which Legionella pneumophilia was later
detected. I recall the news reports at the time, and had no reason to question
the experts.
But Dr. Harold Runsdorf, a 70-year-old physician and inventor, was perhaps in
the best position to realize that the CDC was wrong when it proclaimed
Legionella pneumophilia, "a previously unknown bacterium", as the cause of
Legionnaires' Disease (LD). When he was an engineering student, he developed a
turbine engine that ran on the fluorocarbon, Freon. But he learned in
engineering school the problem with fluorocarbons as a fuel: At temperatures
above 500 degrees Fahrenheit they "pyrolyze", or break down, into dangerous
gases.
For two years prior to the publication of Phil Patton's article about him,
Runsdorf had been pursuing the theory that Legionnaires' Disease was actually
caused by the pyrolyzed products of refrigerants leaking from air conditioners.
The predominant byproduct is phosgene gas, which had been the most common poison
gases used in World War I. He eventually learned that cases of poisoning
occurred only where there was air conditioning and some heat source hot enough
to convert the refrigerant to phosgene. When the cause of the disease still
eluded public health officials, the air-conditioning maintenance crew in his
hospital felt that phosgene gas could have been carried through the ventilation
ducts.
Exposure to the gas may provoke slight irritation, or no symptoms at all until
several hours or even several days later. The symptoms include headache, nausea,
and a tightness in the throat and chest. These symptoms may progress to chills,
shock, delirium, a dry cough, and high fever (102-105 deg.), as fluid builds up
in the lungs. These symptoms—including kidney failure that may develop 72 hours
later—mimic pneumonia. Indeed, the delayed expression of symptoms following
exposure made it easy for the microbiologists at CDC to believe they were
dealing with a biological pathogen. The lack of contagion didn't dissuade them.
A piece of evidence that favored the phosgene gas theory was the finding of
particles of nickel in the lungs of some of the dead Legionnaires. Runsdorf
realized that the highly corrosive hydrogen fluoride from decomposed refrigerant
had reacted with the CDC's stainless-steel containers holding the tissue
samples, yielding the large quantities of nickel, whose presence the CDC
couldn't account for any other way. Prior to this finding, Runsdorf was alert to
this possibility and had warned against the use of stainless steel instruments
and containers.
Patton wrote that neither the CDC nor public health officials knew about
phosgene, nor were they interested in Runsdorf's ideas. Leonard Bachman,
Philadelphia's secretary of health who was heading the investigation of the
Bellevue Stratford Hotel outbreak was not interested. Runsdorf brought his case
to medical officials in that city—Marvin Aronson and Lewis Polk—and the district
attorney's office, and the NY Daily News, and the NY Times, and ABC News, and
Philadelphia magazine, and CBS News. Only the last two did stories on his
hypothesis. Runsdorf testified in hearings in Philadelphia in November 1976,
held by the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee. Ironically, the
only affirmative response came from the manufacturer of the refrigerant used at
the Bellevue Stratford Hotel. Refrigerant "F-11" was a trademark of DuPont,
which threatened Rusdorf with legal action.
But mainly, Runsdorf tried to sell his theory to the CDC, which ultimately took
over the investigation. He also begged them to test for fluorine. The CDC
replied that no assay was performed because "the relatively high background
levels of tissue fluorine resulting from fluoridation of water would have made
interpretation of the findings extremely difficult." But the concentrations
in water was very low—1 part per million—and would have been lower still in
tissue samples. Patton wrote that quantitative tests for fluorine could
have been significant.
Dr. John Marr, director of the Bureau of Preventable Diseases, considered
Runsdorf's theory. According to Patton, Marr felt that while the theory was hard
to prove, it was also "very hard to disprove." It was hard to prove because
cooling devices using Freon included air conditioners in buildings and cars,
refrigerators, and heating pumps. Runsdorf had to demonstrate that there
occurred some scenario of Freon leakage from such devices, and that a
conversion to phosgene had taken place.
For the first case at the Bellevue Stratford Hotel, there appears to have been a
Freon leak. The hotel manager testified before the House panel that the
air-conditioning system was leaking F-11, the most easily pyrolyzed of all
refrigerants. Experts thought the leak was coming from the compressor in the
basement. After the leak was repaired, service technicians reported that large
quantities of F-11 had to replace what had been lost from the leakage.
Burning cigarettes or the brushes of the compressor motors could have converted
the Freon to phosgene. But Congressional testimony established the incinerator
in the basement operated from 7am until 5pm. Congressional investigators thought
that the incinerator may have been working overtime, due to the garbage strike
that summer. Both the compressor and the incinerator—glowing white hot—were
located in the same 60 by 40-foot room in that hotel basement. The CDC
investigators failed to note these facts.
Congressional investigators also confirmed there was an exhaust fan in that
basement which would have drew any gas escaping from the compressor over the hot
incinerator, and into ducts ventilating the ballroom where the Legionnaires met.
Patton wrote that "it was also linked to an exhaust pipe Bellevue Alley,
behind the hotel, where a large number of those suffering from the so-called
Broad Street pneumonia, a less severe form of LD, remembered walking." To
Runsdorf, the varying intensities of the illness supported a chemical rather
than a bacterial agent.
Runsdorf suggested that the conditions in the hotel basement could have been
duplicated for purposes of testing. He also sought to test tissue samples taken
from the lungs of dead Legionnaires for concentrations of fluorine. That request
was repeatedly denied by the CDC. However, eventually he was able to
surreptitiously obtain the lung specimens, through a Philadelphia health
official. He sent those samples to the NYC medical examiner's office for
chemical testing. The tissue preserved by freezing confirmed high levels of
fluorine compared to controls. But fluorine had leached out of the sample that
was preserved in formalin. Runsdorf requested the formalin that was used in
preserving the other samples. The CDC promised to furnish it, but never had.
Patton delineated close to a dozen other outbreaks in various cities that
Runsdorf studied, ranging from 1965 to 1978. On that last one—August, 1978—two
years after his investigations had begun, two fatal cases of LD had been
confirmed, and 17 suspected cases were observed on Seventh Avenue in the garment
district of New York City. LD bacterium was found in the cooling tower at Macy's
department store.
(Note: The CDC report on it failed to explain why there were only those 17
confirmed cases, even though its own sampling found that a quarter of the entire
population of Manhattan showed positive blood tests for the LD bacterium.
Regardless of Runsdorf's theory, that alone should have demolished the CDC's
bacteria theory.)
Patton describes how Runsdorf, on September 1, 1978, used his GE Type H-10
halogen detector—which lights up in the presence of fluorocarbons—to pinpoint
the actual location and likely cause of the Macy's outbreak. The heavier-than
air Freon likely fell from the roof or upper stories of the tall New York
Telephone Company headquarters, onto the roof of a shorter building at 249 West
35th Street. On the street level in front of that address, his halogen detector
flashed red, indicating the presence of fluorocarbons. This was the area in
which one man died and his two brothers became ill with LD, while unloading
garments from trucks and moving them into the Interstate Dress Carriers
warehouse. Other cases in the same area included a shipping clerk and an
elevator operator for Interstate, and a policeman who walked the beat on that
block.
Runsdorf believed that the heat source that pyrolyzed the refrigerant were the
engine manifolds of the delivery trucks idling along 35th Street. He was unable
to confirm the leak, because the telephone company would not allow him access to
their air-conditioning system. However, Patton found sources within the company
who reported an unusually high number of telephone operators—as many as 3
dozen—became ill during the period of the outbreak. Perhaps some of the gas had
penetrated the building through windows, vents, or doors.
The CDC's final tally was 3 fatalities and 57 cases, including suspects. The CDC
and the city's health and buildings inspectors would not check the area for
air-conditioning leaks. Patton noted that this was due mainly to their bias in
favor of a bacterium. He wrote that the CDC never gave serious consideration to
the phosgene gas theory, even though it cropped up in the press several times.
He explained that "the reason lies in the heart of the whole biological—and
bacteriological—bias built into the disease-control agency, a bias all the more
inappropriate as more and more toxic agents turn up in our environment."
I've seen abundant evidence of this bias ever since I read Patton's words.
Patton ended his article with a quote from Runsdorf: "I'm 70 years old. I
just want to prove this damn thing and die." I spoke to Runsdorf once, not
long before he passed away around the mid 80s. He was far from a germ theory
denialist, as I had hoped. He was able to gain allies for his phosgene theory,
such as the American Society of Sanitary Engineers. And his questions persist
after his passing, such as, "Why doesn't the CDC test for fluorocarbons"; "Why
are air conditioning systems always involved?"; etc.
Personally, I wonder how many cases of phosgene poisoning have since become
diagnosed as the disease in fashion at the time? For example, given the
similarities in symptoms, such cases might be diagnosed today as West Nile
infections.
As a postscript to this section, I'll just note the following: People
exposed to chemical toxins can become ill, and in the process, their own bodies
will generate abnormal strains of microbes to deal with the crisis. Researchers
tend to select the microbe that most correlates to those who are ill, and
attribute that as the cause of the illness. It's beyond the scope of this
article to get into this process. Just suffice to say that the ability to
isolate novel strains of bacteria or viral fragments in sick people exposed to
the same environmental factors does not mean that those microbes had caused
the illness. Whether the suspect microbe devolved endogenically within the host
from exposure to those toxins, or was an exogenic viral or bacterial
transmission, mere presence doesn't prove causation. At best, their detection
are serological markers for exposure. Exposure to what, and whether or
not it caused the disease, requires further proofs.
This is the distinction that many don't understand at first when introduced to
Natural Hygiene: Pathogenic microbes are transmissible from person to person.
But the the diseases they're alleged to produce are not. Pidoux expressed the
theories of microbiologists Antoine Bechamp and Jules Tissot most succinctly
when he wrote: "Diseases are born of us and in us."
Yet open any bacteriology textbook assigned to medical students today, and the
cause of Legionnaires' Disease is ascribed to the bacterium, Legionella
pneumophilia. The same applies to poliovirus as the cause of paralytic polio.
Date |
Non-Paralytic Polio
|
Aseptic Meningitis
|
1951-1960 |
70,083
|
0
|
1961-1982 |
589
|
102,999
|
1983-1992 |
0
|
117,366
|
Jonas Salk, the discoverer of the Salk polio vaccine, has been called
the "twentieth-century miraclemaker" and the savior of countless lives.
(W6) We read glowing reports of the dramatic decrease in poliomyelitis
in the United States as a result of the Salk vaccine. For instance, the
Virginia State Department of Health distributes a folder which tells us
that polio vaccines have reduced the incidence of polio in the United
States from 18,000 cases of paralytic polio in 1954 to fewer that 20 in
1973-78. A recent article in Modern Maturity states that in 1953, there
were 15,600 cases of paralytic polio in the United States; by 1957, due
to the Salk vaccine, the number had dropped to 2,499. (W7)
During the 1962 Congressional Hearings on HR 10541, Dr. Bernard
Greenberg, head of the Department of Biostatistics of the University of
North Carolina School of Public Health, testified that not only did
polio increase substantially (50 percent from 1957 to 1958 and 80
percent from 1958 to 1959) after the introduction of mass and frequently
compulsory immunization programs, but statistics were manipulated and
statements made by the Public Health Service to give the opposite
impression. (W8)
For instance, in 1957 a spokesman for the North Carolina Health
Department made glowing claims for the efficacy of the Salk vaccine,
showing how polio steadily decreased from 1953 to 1957. His figures were
challenged by Dr. Fred Klenner who pointed out that it wasn't until 1955
that a single person in the state received a polio vaccine injection.
Even then injections were administered on a very limited basis because
of the number of polio cases resulting from the vaccine. It wasn't until
1956 "that polio vaccinations assumed 'inspiring' proportions." The 61
percent drop in polio cases in 1954 was credited to the Salk vaccine
when it wasn't even in the state! By 1957 polio was on the increase.
(W9)
Other ways polio statistics were manipulated to give the impression of
the effectiveness of the Salk vaccine were: (1) Redefinition of an
epidemic: More cases were required to refer to polio as epidemic after
the introduction of the Salk vaccine (from 20 per 100,000 to 35 per
100,000 per year). (2) Redefinition of the disease: In order to qualify
for classification as paralytic poliomyelitis, the patient had to
exhibit paralytic symptoms for at least 60 days after the onset of the
disease. Prior to 1954 the patient had to exhibit paralytic symptoms for
only 24 hours! Laboratory confirmation and the presence of residual
paralysis were not required. After 1954 residual paralysis was
determined 10 to 20 days and again 50 to 70 days after the onset of the
disease. Dr. Greenberg said that "this change in definition meant that
in 1955 we started reporting a new disease, namely, paralytic
poliomyelitis with a longer lasting paralysis." (3) Mislabeling: After
the introduction of the Salk Vaccine, "Cocksackie virus and aseptic
meningitis have been distinguished from paralytic poliomyelitis,"
explained Dr. Greenberg. "Prior to 1954 large numbers of these cases
undoubtedly were mislabeled as paralytic polio." (W10)
Another way of reducing the incidence of disease by way of semantics—or
statistical artifact, as Dr. Greenberg calls it—is simply to reclassify
the disease. From the Los Angeles County Health Index: Morbidity and
Mortality, Reportable Diseases, we read the following:
Date |
Viral Meningitis or
Aseptic Meningitis |
Polio
|
July 1955 |
50
|
273
|
July 1961 |
161
|
65
|
July 1963 |
151
|
31
|
Sept 1966 |
256
|
5
|
Gary Krasner grew up in the Bronx in the 50's through the
70's. He moved to Queens in 1975 after obtaining a B.S. degree in Psychology
from CCNY. Today, Mr. Krasner works as a computer graphics artist by day. By
night he runs Coalition For Informed Choice, a non-partisan organization that
promotes personal freedom of choice in decisions involving our health.