Rwanda Paul Kagame
UN
Annan
U.S./U.N. cover-up of Kagame’s genocide in Rwanda and Congo
by Juan Carrero
Global Research, September 21,
2010
A long-standing code of silence inside the U.N. is coming to an end regarding
what is probably the largest genocide ever since the U.N. founding: the genocide
committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front since 1990
[2] Paul Kagame’s RPF, in what
James Traub describes in Foreign Policy as a “typical episode,” “kidnapped
refugees, many of them women and children, and brought them to a camp, allegedly
under the pretext of returning them to Rwanda. The refugees were then brought
out in small groups. From the report: ‘They were bound and their throats were
cut or they were killed by hammer blows to the head. Their bodies were then
thrown into pits or doused with petrol and burned. The operation was carried out
in a methodical manner and lasted at least one month.’”
On Aug. 27, the French daily Le Monde leaked the news that a long
report by U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navanethem Pillay [3]
of South Africa calls the “systematic, methodical and pre-meditated crimes
perpetrated against the Hutu” by the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) in Zaire in
1996-1997 “crimes against humanity, war crimes, and even genocide crimes.” The
report has not yet been officially released but is already circulating freely.
The victims were “mostly children, women, the elderly and the sick.” The
investigation looks at the crimes perpetrated in Zaire/Congo throughout the
decade 1993-2003. Rwanda is not the only country incriminated. But, according to
Le Monde’s Jean-Philippe Rémy, the RPF’s systematic extermination of Rwandan
Hutu refugees and other Congolese Hutu – either by violent force or by
systematically blocking food supplies sent especially to them – could be
considered “the crux of the report.” At any rate, it is clear this extensive
report is “devastating, especially for Rwanda,” as Christophe Châtelot, in turn,
points out in the excellent
cover article [4].
Nevertheless, both articles end by reaching the same major erroneous
conclusion stated by most of the press articles that have appeared since the
report was leaked: the need, they say, to establish a tribunal with
jurisdictional authority over these crimes. Not only does such a court already
exist but, on Feb. 6, 2008, it already issued arrest warrants against 40 RPF top
officials who are allegedly responsible for the crimes in Congo referred to in
the new U.N. report.
[5] An elderly Rwandan woman in a refugee camp in Congo in 1997
was one of countless victims of Rwandan forces making repeated forays into
United Nations-administered camps that, according to the New York Times, housed
roughly a million Hutu who had fled the genocide in Rwanda. – Photo: Roger
Lemoyne via Getty Images
This court is Spain’s Audiencia Nacional (National Court) which, pursuant to the
principle of universal justice, possesses full jurisdiction to prosecute this
kind of crime. It is by virtue of this principle, for example, that the arrest
of Augusto Pinochet was possible in London and that today the Interpol and the
SIRENE network are acting on the 40 arrest warrants cited above. Let us also
remember that the four Spanish Marist clergymen who were accompanying the Hutu
refugees and who had previously condemned internationally this huge slaughter
were murdered by the RPF in the Nyamirangwe refugee camp in eastern Congo on
Oct. 31, 1996.
In my opinion, there are various other errors in Jean-Philippe Rémy’s
article. Rémy is much too quick to endorse some interpretations of the motives
behind the crimes that hardly match the facts and are at this point almost
untenable today. The most outrageous interpretation states that “the Rwandan
intervention sought to prevent the refugees from coming together and, led by the
‘genocidaires,’ rising in revolt to attack Rwanda from their refugee camps at
the other side of the border, in the former Zaire. The approach was to empty the
entire region. Part of the refugees will return to Rwanda, another will be
killed at the camps, others will flee across Zaire where they will be hunted
down.”
Could a huge mass of human beings consisting mostly of malnourished women,
elderly people and children come together and rise in revolt? Besides, shouldn’t
there be a mention of the other goals the RPF pursued with that slaughter –
those that many honest analysts actually rank as the main goals? That is,
• controlling the mineral fields in eastern Zaire, exactly where the
“annoying” refugee camps were located; putting an end to the presence and
diverting the attention of the international community related to those fields,
which could derail the plans these criminals and their powerful allies had in
Zaire;
• “correcting” as far as possible the demographic imbalance between Hutu and
Tutsi which the RPF viewed as excessive, while at the same time averting a big
international scandal under the guise of “hunting down the genocidaires”;
• having a submissive and controlled Hutu population, devoid of intellectuals
or leaders, repopulate some of the regions in Rwanda that the RPF “operations”
had left so deserted that they could potentially become a permanent black mark
for the RPF that the international community would readily decry.
Unfortunately, the U.N.’s 14-year silence has had tragic consequences.
Thousands of conniving silences have allowed those criminals basking in the
bogus moral halo of having allegedly halted the genocide by Hutu extremists in
the spring of 1994 to continue causing, with utter impunity, tremendous
suffering in Rwanda and Congo!
But the report, whose recent leak has spurred widespread international
coverage, could be the beginning of the end for Paul Kagame, who at the time was
already head of the RPF and is now also president of Rwanda. True, up to now, it
has only been a leak.
But the facts of the report are now in the public domain, above and beyond
the sequel of pressures, blackmails and deals about to take place from now on,
hushed and behind the scenes of the high political and economic circles of our
times, primarily with the purpose of eliminating the word “genocide” from the
text. Indeed, at long last more and more analyses are appearing about this
situation which some of us had already been analyzing 14 years ago as the
incidents themselves were occurring.
Already as early as October 1996 and more pointedly from February 1997
onwards, we condemned the massive massacres of Rwandan and Congolese Hutu being
carried out in true genocidal manner, the cremation of tens of thousands of
bodies, the extermination through starvation etc. Our documents were signed by
some 20 Nobel laureates, as well as by heads of the political groups of the
European Parliament.
How could our world leaders not possibly have known of crimes on such scale?
How could Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs not have known either?
[6] As soon as the U.N. report was leaked, Rwanda described the
allegations against its soldiers, such as these shown in the Democratic Republic
of Congo, as “outrageous.” – Photo: AFP
We ourselves had those documents handed to Bill Clinton and others truly and
ultimately responsible for this genocide. In addition to the diplomatic
channels, Elie Wiesel, survivor of the Nazi extermination camps and Nobel Peace
laureate, promised our colleague Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, a Nobel Peace laureate
as well, to personally hand them to Bill Clinton in the meeting he was to have
with the president shortly thereafter.
On the other hand, on Feb. 24, 1997, after my 42-day fast at the European
Parliament in Brussels, I personally handed these documents to Abel Matutes1
[7], native of Ibiza, who was Spain’s minister of foreign
affairs at the time. Inocencio Arias, spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, was with him at that meeting. I, in turn, was accompanied by Mercé Amer,
Socialist regional/autonomic secretary of Mallorca.
Spanish state television TVE vetoed the news of this meeting, where documents
of such serious nature and signed by such prominent people were being presented
to the minister. The Brussels correspondent of TVE came over to me and told me
how badly she personally felt: She had been following our fast and admired what
we were doing together with Commissioner Emma Bonino, but she added that the
news had unfortunately been vetoed and that, much to her regret, she wouldn’t be
able to film.2 [8]
As it was, heightened tension reigned at the meeting due to the assassination
of three Spanish volunteers of Médicos del Mundo merely a few days before. We
now know that the RPF perpetrated this crime, even though the strong propaganda
machine of the international godfathers of this criminal organization had
managed within hours to get the world media to attribute this triple murder to
extremist Hutu once again.
Indeed, it’s so true that the U.N. report doesn’t make any major revelations
that even now, after its leak, I will hardly be making any changes in the second
edition of my book, “África, la madre ultrajada” (“Africa, The Violated
Mother”). The news is not the fact that the RPF perpetrated a genocide on such a
large scale.3 [9]
In this genocide, the count of ethnic Hutu, both Rwandan and Congolese,
violently eliminated by the RPF since 1990 should be estimated at hundreds of
thousands at least. The scale of this genocide is even much larger if we
consider the millions of victims, not only Hutu but also from other Bantu ethnic
groups in Congo – or simply “not Hima-Tutsi,” as the racist RPF elite calls
them.
They died not only through violent force but primarily due to starvation and
other reasons related to the aggressions inflicted on Zaire/Congo by Rwanda,
Uganda and Burundi in their genocidal attempt to establish in that region an
empire controlled by Hima-Tutsi clans.
The High Commissioner for Human Rights has merely investigated the tip of the
iceberg of this genocide, since it has looked at merely 600 violent incidents
only in Congo and only from 1993 to 2003. It is a genocide in which already as
early as 1997 – that is, one year before the second and deadliest invasion – the
report of the U.N. team headed by the Chilean Roberto Garretón [10]
documented the investigation of around 40 locations in Congo and put the death
count at up to 100,000.
A hint of the scale of this genocide can be found in a report by the
International Rescue Committee which estimates 5.4 million victims in Congo
until 1997 – in excess of the normal mortality figures – due to causes related
to the aggressions staged there.
That’s not the news. The real news is something else: namely, that in a move
that breaks the code of silence that has reigned within the U.N. for too many
years, the High Commissioner for Human Rights reveals that the U.N. Security
Council and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Kofi Annan before him – the
same parties who less than a year ago accused some of us of financing the
genocidaires – have actually spent more than a decade covering up the
continuous genocide carried out by the RPF from Oct. 1, 1990, until today, which
probably constitutes the largest one since the U.N. was founded!
Jean-Philippe Rémy’s article cited above is entitled, precisely, “A Long Set
of Obstacles to Justice and Truth.” As Glen Ford well said in the analysis he
wrote shortly after the leak of the report, “Rwandan
Crisis Could Expose U.S. Role in Congo Genocide [11],”4
[12] we are facing “a political crisis that threatens to
disrupt Washington’s plans to dominate the continent.
“At stake is not only the reputation of Rwandan President Paul Kagame, an
alumnus of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth,
Kansas, but the larger American strategy for militarization of Africa and
exploitation of her riches. …
[13] Former U.S. President Bill Clinton
visits Rwandan President Paul Kagame on Kagame’s farm in Muhazi.
“Carnage on such a scale could not have occurred were it not for the
connivance of the United States, which has nurtured Kagame at every juncture. …
“The leaked U.N. report cannot be put back in the bottle. Kagame, who labels
all critics ‘genocidaires’ or apologists for genocide, is exposed as
‘the greatest mass killer on the face of the earth, today,’ as described by
Edward S. Herman, co-author of ‘The Politics of Genocide.’ Kagame’s mentors and
funders in the U.S. government, who aided and abetted his genocide in Congo,
must be held equally accountable – if not more so, since United States
corporations derive the greatest benefit from Congo’s blood minerals, and the
U.S. military gains the most advantage from Rwandan and Ugandan services as
mercenaries at America’s beck and call in Africa.”
The Rwandan government has reacted by making virulent threats, and the High
Commissioner has postponed the report’s release until Oct. 1. The following
weeks will be marked by a fierce struggle to delete the word “genocide” from the
report, since this classification would require the immediate intervention of
the international community.
Nevertheless, something new is happening in this great conflict as a
significant movement of pieces appears to be taking place on the board. Another
fact also evidences this: The important
Gersony report [14]5
[15], up until recently eerily unavailable, suddenly surfaced
this past Sept. 7. It is another honest report, done as early as 1994, but in
this case by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.
The report has remained suppressed since then and high-ranked U.N. officials
even denied it had ever existed. It documents the systematic ethnic cleansing of
Hutu, genocidal in nature, carried out by the RPF in the Rwandan interior6
[16] during 1994.
The investigative team led by Gersony examined the assassination of some
30,000 Hutu by the RPF, but only looked at crimes perpetrated during a two-month
period and in merely three prefectures. However, similar to the recent report by
the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, “[T]he massacres condemned in the
Gersony report represented only the visible tip of a monumental iceberg
consisting of hundreds of thousands of victims butchered by RPF troops since
October 1, 1990 in the areas occupied by the military.”
[17] Rwandan refugees massacred in
a camp in DR Congo. – Photo:
www.survivorsnetoworks.blogspot.com
Former Rwandan Foreign Minister Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana makes this
statement in his excellent book recently published, “Paul Kagame a sacrifié les
tutsi”7 [18] (“Paul Kagame
has sacrificed the Tutsi”). Upon receiving a photocopy of the Gersony report, I
asked him to confirm its authenticity, which he did, although he added that an
annex is missing.
Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana, of mixed Hutu-Tutsi descent, had testified in
the lawsuit we filed at the Spanish National Court and is now the person
responsible in France for the Intra-Rwandan Dialogue we have been sponsoring
since 2004. This extraordinary Rwandan witnessed first hand the wheeling and
dealing behind the suppression of the compromising report.
The entire horse-trading took place in the U.S. Department of State in early
October 1994 between Hutu Rwandan President Pasteur Bizimungu from the RPF –
albeit always under the watchful eye of “consultant” Charles Muligande – and
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs George Moose. Pasteur Bizimungu
had actually gone to argue that “a ‘post- genocide’ was going on, while at the
same time, the RPF military was getting away with massacring entire groups of
people without the international community expressing any disapproval.”
Seeing George Moose’s excessively understanding reaction to the Rwandan
president’s case, Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana inferred what was going to
happen with the Gersony report, as it indeed turned out: That meeting “sealed
the fate of the Gersony report once and for all.”
Vianney Ndagijimana resigned from his post as minister a few weeks later “in
order not to be an accomplice of the ethnic cleansing practises” and went into
exile “to bear witness of this silent genocide, as disgraceful and reprehensible
as the Tutsi genocide, and to publicly condemn it worldwide.”
Others didn’t act with such ethics and integrity: Kofi Annan, U.N.
Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping at the time; Shahryar Khan, U.N.
Secretary-General’s Special Representative to Rwanda; Timothy Wirth,
Undersecretary for Global Affairs, including matters of human rights; Brian
Atwood, director for Africa of USAID, which had financed the investigation aimed
at determining whether the interior of Rwanda was equipped for the return of
Hutu refugees.
[19] “Kagame’s army and allied militias
knowingly committed wholesale killings of Hutus, often ‘mostly children, women,
old and ill people.’ Indeed, the (leaked U.N.) report goes on to say that some
of the attacks could have amounted to a genocide,” according to The Economist.
Prior to the meeting of the Rwandan president with the assistant secretary of
state, all individuals cited above had met several times with Jean-Marie Vianney
Ndagijimana, on one occasion with Robert Gersony present. The former minister
described that some of them had spoken very harshly to the Rwandan president.
But the fact is that the Gersony report was suppressed and none of the people
mentioned above ever condemned the terrible ethnic cleansing that had taken
place nor the cover-up of such an important piece of evidence.
Kofi Annan showed the report to Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana and even let
him read it but refused to give him a copy. Thus, already back then the future
U.N. Secretary-General knew very well that the theory of a double genocide was
not wrong. And it is certainly far from being a form of negationism and hence a
crime, as Ramón Lobo has dared state in the Spanish daily El País.
Good heavens! – daring to label as criminals Judge Fernando Andreu, who
accuses Kagame and 40 top officials from the RPF of committing crimes of
genocide, and now High Commissioner Navi Pillay, who signs the recent U.N.
report!
Yet this journalist is not alone. Many are the know-it-all analysts, who have
no qualms writing about any matter of the moment, even about conflicts as
serious and complex as this one – or who, rather, have only listened to the
powerful rhetoric of the Manichean official doctrine that resolutely maintains
that the story of the genocide is one of genocidaires on the one side
and noble liberators on the other.
On the contrary, Kofi Annan and current Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon know
that the accusations made by Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles are well-founded:
“crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, crimes against individuals and
property protected in the event of armed conflict, membership in a terrorist
organization, terrorist acts, pillage of natural resources and the assassination
of nine Spanish nationals.”
As we suspected and made public at the time, Ban Ki-moon’s efforts to bill
genocidaire Paul Kagame as the superhero of the struggle against hunger
and other evils plaguing our world have possibly infuriated and mobilized the
group of people with integrity still to be found at that big organization which
is the U.N. Let’s just hope that Navi Pillay doesn’t end up sacked for the same
reasons for which others were ousted in former times: U.N. Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros Ghali, ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda)
prosecutor Carla del Ponte, among many others.
Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana spent years wondering why the
secretary-general had decided to embargo the Gersony report. In a meeting at the
headquarters of the Tribunal of The Hague in November 2002, Carla del Ponte
confirmed to him what he had been suspecting all along. The former minister
writes in his book:
“[W]ithout avoiding [the subject], she acknowledged that this report was
under the jurisdiction of the ICTR and that it should have ordinarily been
included in the dossier of crimes perpetrated in Rwanda in 1994 by one of the
warring parties. Unfortunately, she added, all efforts to obtain the Gersony
report as well as various other U.N. reports providing evidence of the crimes
committed by the RPF had proved to no avail up until then. She continued: ‘I
sent an official request to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms
Ogata,8 [20] asking her
for that report, but I ran into a wall. …
“Carla del Ponte admitted that, in despair, she also requested that Robert
Gersony be heard by the ICTR prosecutor – again to no avail. Once again the U.S.
government expressed its opposition, ruling it inadmissible! As we can see, Paul
Kagame enjoys the protection of one or more of the superpowers which have a veto
right [in the U.N. Security Council] and are able to dictate its agenda at the
heart of the U.N. organizations. You don’t need to be a wizard to know that the
Clinton administration, surely embarrassed and ridden with guilt for having
opposed the deployment of U.N. troops to stop the genocide, has preferred
focusing on the bottom line of the massacres of hundreds of thousands of
innocent Hutu civilians.”9 [21]
[22] A boy in Rwanda passes election posters a few days before the
presidential election on Aug. 9, 2010. “Rwandan President Paul Kagame was
reelected with 93 percent of the vote in the country’s elections earlier this
month, but there were widespread reports that journalists and opposition
politicians had been imprisoned or killed. Now a leaked U.N. report suggests
that Rwandan troops may have committed war crimes and massacred tens of
thousands of people in the late 1990s,” reported Newsweek on Aug. 27, the day
the report was leaked. – Photo: Marc Hofer, AP
Let’s hope that the time has come; let us hope that those who pull the
strings realize that sustaining this sham, this disgraceful impunity, is
untenable at this point. We firmly believe that those of us outside the U.N.
should help enable those upright individuals within the organization to keep it
from serving the interests of the Trilateral Commission10
[23] and of other powerful and elitist groups instead of
serving the interests of peoples. In this respect, we share the views expressed
by Adolfo Pérez Esquivel and Mallorquinian Sen. Pere Sampol, who was
vice-president of the government of the Balearic Islands and knows well the
mazes of political intrigue.
At any rate, what I stated in the preface of my book might begin to prove
true: “When this monumental tragedy gets the coverage it deserves in the big
media, it will become one of the most embarrassing chapters in the annals of the
United Nations, of the entire Western world, in general, and in particular, of
José Luís Rodríguez Zapatero’s Socialist government.”
Spain’s prime minister, however, may still be able to change fate. He just
needs to continue on the path he started by not meeting with Paul Kagame in
Madrid; he just needs to refuse to co-chair together with this criminal the
Advocacy Group of the Millenium Development Goals. He just needs to cooperate
with Spain’s Audiencia Nacional on the legal proceedings against the 40 top
officials of the RPF. He just needs to meet – at long last – with the families
of the nine Spanish victims.
Juan Carrera of the International Forum for the Truth and Justice in the
Great Lakes Region, a Nobel Prize nominee, has campaigned for years against
impunity there. In 1996, he walked over 600 miles to Brussels and a year later
went on a 42-day hunger strike in front of the European Union Council
headquarters to persuade the EU to stop the atrocities in the DR Congo. With
Spanish Sen. Sampol he successfully pushed for a lawsuit in Spain against
members of the Rwandan government on behalf of Spanish victims who died in
Rwanda after the genocide. The lawsuit resulted in the indictments of 40 of
Rwanda’s current top and former military officials for genocide crimes and other
human rights abuses. He can be reached by emailing
info@stopimpunityinrwanda.org [24].He is currently one of
the 12 Spanish members of the Trilateral Commission. [26]]
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=21127
