Famous Kidnapping Case Implicates Top Political Figures in
Child Prostitution Network
Transcript of radio interview with Noreen Gosch
August 19, 2003
On Sept. 5, 1982, a 12-year-old West Des Moines, Iowa, paperboy named Johnny Gosch disappeared. Although his case made national headlines what his mother learned about Johnny's kidnapping has been kept under wraps by the mainstream media in America. His mother, Noreen Gosch, discovered not only that Johnny was still alive-long after his disappearance-but that he was in the hands of a Nebraska-based nationwide pedophile and child prostitution ring that has been collaborating with high-level "mind control" operations of the CIA.
Mrs. Gosch (NG) was the guest on the Aug. 19 broadcast of Radio Free America, a weekly call-in talk forum sponsored by American Free Press (AFP).
ATP: Although it's been 19 years since your son Johnny was taken from you, you now know your boy is still alive and that's part of the story that you're about to tell.
NG: Yes, I did get to see my son once since he was taken away. After he was kidnapped it was a nightmare trying to get anything organized to help, and the police were not real cooperative here, which I couldn't understand. That forced me to hire private investigators.
Many years after Johnny's kidnapping, we learned that the police chief in West Des Moines was linked to the Franklin situation in Omaha. This was the chief who was the controlling factor in Johnny's case and made all of the decisions about what was done in the investigation. And in Johnny's case, they didn't do anything.
For the first three days, even though we had witnesses who saw the man and talked to the man who approached Johnny on the street, the police chief kept calling Johnny a "runaway." One of the witnesses happened to be a 44-year old attorney who is now a judge in Des Moines.
AFP: This was in 1982, long before the scandal surrounding the "Franklin Cover-up" in Omaha involving top-ranking Republican Party figure Lawrence King started coming to light.
NG: That's correct.
There was a small article in the paper. I took it to the police chief and I said, "Could you check this out? These two girls were taken and the article says that the girls were taken to Omaha and the men were caught. They had forced the two girls into a prostitution ring."
When I showed this article to the police chief, he got very upset and he said, "No, I'm not going to check it out, because I don't have a feel for this. There can't be anything to it."
I then went to the FBI and they refused. I went to the Department of Criminal Investigation in Iowa and they refused. So at that point I called a press conference and told the public that this was happening and that the police would not help me. Within two days of the press conference, I received my first death threat and the man said to me, "Stop making waves or you are going to die."
What I believe to this day, and what attorney John De Camp [who has been investigating the Franklin affair] believes also is that I was actually "knocking on the back door" of the Franklin affair in Omaha by making my public accounting.
It appears, based on what DeCamp and other investigators have uncovered, that Omaha has been the center of this whole child theft ring.
AFP: Where is that police chief in West Des Moines now?
NG: After about six months of this behavior on his part, I made a phone call to the members of the city council and I told them that I was going to file a $20 million lawsuit naming the police chief as negligent. They had an emergency meeting of the council in the basement of the police department on that Sunday night and on Monday morning they announced that the police chief was retiring because he was not in good enough health to handle the job anymore.
Two months after he retired-stepped down-he was found shoplifting at the Target store here. He took videotapes and little hooks that you would hang from a ceiling.
I later learned that he was very good friends with Robert Wadman, the police chief from Omaha who was in office at the time that the Franklin affair was going on. Wadman was disgraced, having gotten a young girl, Alicia Owen, pregnant.
It turns out that our Des Moines police chief would go over to Omaha all the time to participate in these parties with Wadman and the others.
AFP: Apparently, based on what you've learned, your son was taken for the very reason that he fit a profile that somebody wanted. This came out in court testimony by Paul Bonacci, one of the young victims of the Franklin affair, who was at first charged with perjury and sent to jail for daring to make accusations under oath about the Franklin affair. With De Camp's help, Bonacci has since won a $1 million judgment against Lawrence King and the people who abused him. He's essentially been vindicated.
NG: Paul Bonacci testified in his civil suit that he was one of the people who helped kidnap Johnny. He was the first to sexually molest Johnny. He told all of the gruesome details. The judge asked, "Why did they want Johnny Gosch when they could have their pick of a lot of runaway kids?" Bonacci looked at the judge and told him, "Johnny fit the profile of what they were looking for. They sell kids to pedophiles who want certain kids with certain features."
AFP: Bonacci testified that they had followed Johnny on nights when he was coming home from school and had photographed him and those photographs were put in a book and a pedophile picked him out.This must have been awful for you to learn about. Did you first hear about this in court?
NG: No, I had previously gone to the prison to meet Bonacci when he first confessed. That was a few years before the court case where the judge finally ruled that he was telling the truth. Paul Bonacci waited 10 years to be vindicated. When he first came forward about this, the police said he was nuts and the West Des Moines police department that was in charge of Johnny's case would not even interview him.
Now that Lawrence King is out of prison, where he was being held on financial crimes, Bonacci may be able to get that $1 million in damages from him.
DeCamp has been told that upon getting out of prison, Lawrence King was slated to go to Washington for a job within the Republican Party.
Lawrence King was never charged with anything to do with the abduction and molestation of some 80 children who came forward in the Franklin case with the same story that Paul Bonacci told. Those children were all discredited, but Paul stuck to his story and would not recant. For that they put him in prison and accused him of perjury.
Alicia Owen also stuck to her story. She's the girl that the Omaha police chief got pregnant. She recently was released from prison but is keeping a very low profile. She's terribly scared since her brother was murdered as a warning to her to keep her mouth shut. She does not do any interviews. Her parents will not do interviews. They live in fear.
The British Broadcasting Company (BBC) did a program, Conspiracy of Silence, about this whole affair and it really nails Boys Town for its role in this.
The film Conspiracy of Silence was due to be aired in the United States on the Discovery Channel in May of 1994 and then just before airtime, it was pulled. Sometime later John DeCamp received a copy in the mail and he made it available to me. The BBC was ordered to destroy all copies.
Yet, a BBC employee, who was so shocked at this story and the censorship, made a copy and got it out to John DeCamp. It is said that the BBC was paid $500,000 not to air the documentary.
I imagine somebody in the United States did not want this story coming out, since it went all the way to the top in Washington. The video shows Paul Rodriguez, a reporter at The Washington Times, talking about the articles that were all written concerning certain congressmen and the call-boy service that was operating there.
AFP: You received a remarkable visit in your home.
NG: There was a knock at my door at about 2:30 a.m. I went to the door and I could see through the peephole that there was a young man outside. I said, "Who's there?" He said, "It's me, mom. It's Johnny." I could see that there was someone with him, but I let them in. I don't know who the other young man was. I asked, but he declined to tell me.
AFP: Johnny would have been about 24 years old at this point. What did he tell you?
NG: It was very emotional. I asked if I could call someone to come and help us, thinking that he was home to stay. But Johnny was so terrified. He said, "You don't understand. You can't call anyone. No one can know that I've been here. If you do, my life is in danger and yours might be, too. They will kill me for what I know."
Instead of pushing this issue, I said to myself, "No, I'm going to let him talk and tell me what's happened." So during our hour-and-a-half time that we had together. I learned a lot. I asked him names of people. I asked him how they did their organization. What type of things did they do? What methods did they use to traffic in children?
He was here in 1997, but I kept silent for two years and didn't tell anyone about his visit until 1999 when I was on the witness stand testifying for Paul Bonacci in his civil case. But what I had done in the meantime was to make an appointment with the county attorney. I went in and told him that I had information from an informant. I gave the county attorney the names of the people involved and how the organization worked and asked him to begin an investigation. I did not tell him that the informant was my son.
AFP: Did the county attorney investigate?
NG: No, he said that he would not. The only reason he gave was that I would have to somehow convince my informant to turn himself in and be a part of the witness protection program and that they "might" be able to give my informant (Johnny) immunity for any crimes he may have committed during his captivity.
I looked at the county attorney and said, "They 'might' be able to give him immunity? That doesn't work for me." He responded, "Well, you're going to have to turn over the boy." I said, "I don't have the boy." I didn't tell him that it was Johnny, but I did tell him that "the informant" had told me that Johnny was still alive.
I said to the county attorney: "I came here to share information with you as I always have. This way I can never be charged with withholding information. If you choose not to investigate, that's up to you. I will continue my investigation as I always have."
AFP: You also had a mysterious visitor from Washington. Are you still in touch with this person?
NG: Nobody has been able to find him. I have had people looking for him for the last 10 years. He knew a tremendous amount and he was part of the CIA. I think he was sent here to do a job, find out what I knew and how I was proceeding on the case. He was also right by my side when I testified in Washington. About three or four months later he vanished.
AFP: Do you think he had a connection with former CIA Director William Colby who helped his longtime protegee, John DeCamp, in the Franklin affair?
NG: Yes, I think he did have a connection with Mr. Colby.
He had with him-and this is what convinced me-a complete dossier on every member of my family, even those who were deceased. He had information about their lives that could have never been public.
AFP: The key to this whole scandal involving Johnny and the Franklin affair and all of this child kidnapping and molestation is the very scary story of "mind control" experiments conducted by our own government agencies and those of foreign intelligence agencies.
NG: Yes, it is. In my book, I tell the story of Michael Aquino [head of the Satanic cult, the Temple of Set]. You see, when Johnny was taken away, he was taken to a farmhouse and kept there for two weeks. After those two weeks, Johnny was sold for a sum of money. A man they called "the colonel," came and took Johnny to Colorado. Paul Bonacci identified that man as Col. Michael Aquino.
Aquino was involved in "psy-ops" and "mind war" experimentation for the U.S. government. He had a hand in developing mind control.
Unfortunately, they began to experiment on men in the services-this is the concept of "The Manchurian Candidate"-one that could be turned into a killing machine and never remember, programmed by key words and phrases. Then they decided to experiment on prisoners in prisons.
Then along came Michael Aquino, who was already a pedophile. He and others thought that it would be financially beneficial to them, somehow, to begin to experiment on children. That's when they began taking children.
AFP: Imagine the tremendous power of mind control using pornography and drugs.
NG: According to what Paul Bonacci and others have stated, after they used the techniques they did with Paul (using him during the day and then returning them to their homes), the children wouldn't remember what had happened because of the mind control. Then they decided to take children out of their stable home situations. They now wanted to see if it would work on kids who had stable family lives.
AFP: They already knew that it would work with runaways and with kids in controlled situations like Boys Town in Omaha.
NG: That's right. That's when, in the early 1980s, there was a rash of kidnappings of young boys across the country. Many were deemed "runaways." There were only a handful who were taken who actually made the national headlines. Johnny was one of them.
AFP: That was in part because you were so persistent.
NG: Two years after Johnny was taken, they came back to this city and took another paperboy named Eugene Martin, who is still missing and never found. But Johnny and Paul Bonacci (and a third witness who is too afraid to come forward) have told me that the same people who took Johnny also took Eugene.
John DeCamp has helped bring the photographer, Rusty Nelson, out into the open. He's the photographer who took the pictures that were part of this pedophile ring's operations.
Nelson was the photographer who took the pictures of Johnny being molested. He was also the photographer they used in Washington for all the parties that Lawrence King had where prominent people were in attendance.
AFP: There is some new information coming out.
NG: I was recently advised that there is a prisoner who has some information that points toward the guilty parties. This prisoner had tried with 30 previous letters to get in touch with me, but all his letters were stopped and never got to me. This last letter went a different route. I went to see this prisoner and private investigators and John DeCamp are working with this prisoner.
-I trust no new Marta E. Martínez "oppo-sames" -