Christopher Hitchens
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Africa
"He was an embittered atheist, the sort of atheist who does not so much disbelieve in God as personally dislike Him." ---George Orwell
[British Jew, bi-sexual in his college days. Strident atheist and supporter of the Iraq war. Recently debated Blair (who represented religion!) which looks beyond irony on the surface, but Blair is actually the perfect spokesman for Authoritarian Religions, if he gets another chance to murder a few million he will no doubt convert to Islam. Hitchens, even though he is very bright academically, doesn't have the Wisdom to see the difference between spirituality and religion. All in all you can deduce where he is on the Tone scale.]
See: Authoritarian leaders (Social dominators) Psychopathy
[2010] The Cancer at the Heart of the Propaganda Machine: At a Time When a War on Iran Seems Imminent is the Incapacitation of Christopher Hitchens to Be Celebrated? By Joshua Blakeney In conclusion, it is fair to say that if cancer is good enough for babies in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine and soon Iran, which seems to be a price worth paying from Hitchens’s perspective, then it is good enough for the man who George Galloway accurately described as a “bloated, drink-soaked, former-Trotskyite, popinjay.”xxx Furthermore, with a war against Iran in our midst having one of the most malignant and cancerous propagandists demobilized from the war machine is something to be celebrated.
[2008 Dec] Merchants of Death: Exposing Corporate-financed Holocaust in Africa by Keith Harmon Snow Parroting the establishment line, Hitchens has no complaints about the UPDF brutalizing children in the refugee camps of Acholiland, and he never mentions the SPLA’s conscription of thousands of child soldiers.
How Christopher Hitchens Robbed Hunter S. Thompson’s Grave
[2001] The Case Against Henry Kissinger. The making of a war criminal by Christopher Hitchens
[1994] Robert Faurisson Letter to Christopher Hitchens
Review: Christopher Hitchens and His Critics: Terror, Iraq and the Left
Book
The Trial of Henry Kissinger by Christopher Hitchens
Quotes re Hitchens
Christopher Hitchens is a peripheral player in the propaganda
campaign to shield the Museveni regime however. In fact, as Hitchens notes in
the Vanity Fair text, he traveled in Northern Uganda to do his Lord’s Resistance
Army story with the assistance of John Prendergast of the International Crises
Group. It’s likely that the Ugandan government provided security for the
Hitchens/Prendergast mission. The International Crises group is a flak
organization pursuing an aggressive U.S. foreign policy, premised on predatory
capitalism and neoliberal economics, behind a face of “humanitarian” concern. On
the ICG board, for example, are some of the world’s leading military
strategists. ICG directors include former Supreme Allied Commander General
Wesley Clark; former National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski; and Thomas
Pickering, formerly special assistant to Henry Kissinger, Under Secretary of
State for Political Affairs in the Clinton White House, and now a Boeing
Corporation executive.
[2007] NORTHERN UGANDA: HIDDEN WAR, MASSIVE
SUFFERING. ANOTHER WHITE PEOPLE’S WAR FOR OIL by Keith Harmon Snow
Quotes
This was what it took to promote Henry Kissinger. To promote him from a mediocre and opportunistic academic to an international potentate. The signature qualities were there from the inaugural moment: the sycophancy and the duplicity; the power worship and the absence of scruple; the empty trading of old non-friends for new non-friends. And the distinctive effects were also present: the uncounted and expendable corpses; the official and unofficial lying about the cost; the heavy and pompous pseudo-indignation when unwelcome questions were asked. Kissinger's global career started as it meant to go on. It debauched the American republic and American democracy, and it levied a hideous toll of casualties on weaker and more vulnerable societies. [2001] The Case Against Henry Kissinger. The making of a war criminal by Christopher Hitchens
Quite clearly, an Indonesian invasion that began a
few hours after Kissinger had left the tarmac at Jakarta airport must have been
planned and readied several days before he arrived. Such plans would have been
known by any embassy military attaché and certainly by any visiting secretary of
state. We have, in fact, the word of C. Philip Liechty, a former CIA operations
officer in Indonesia, that:
"Suharto was given the green light to do what he did.
There was discussion in the embassy and in traffic with the State Department
about the problems that would be created for us if the public and Congress
became aware of the level and type of military assistance that was going to
Indonesia at that time. . .. Without continued heavy U.S. logistical
military support the Indonesians might not have been able to pull it off."
The desire to appear to have been
uninvolved may-if we are charitable arise in part from the fact that even
Indonesia's foreign minister, Adam Malik, conceded in public a death toll of
between 50,000 and 80,000 Timorese civilians in the first eighteen months of
Indonesia's war of subjugation: in other words, on Kissinger's watch, and
inflicted with weapons that he bent American laws to furnish to the killers. Now
that a form of democracy has returned to Indonesia, which in its first
post-dictatorial act renounced the annexation of East Timor and-after a bloody
last pogrom by its auxiliaries -withdrew from the territory, we may be able to
learn more exactly the extent of the quasi-genocide.
.........On November 9, 1979, lack Anderson's
syndicated column published an interview with ex-President Ford on East Timor
along with a number of classified U.S. intelligence documents relating to the
1975 aggression. One of the latter papers describes how Indonesia's generals
were pressing Suharto "to authorize direct military intervention," while another
informs Ford and Kissinger that Suharto would raise the East Timor issue at
their December 1975 meeting and would "try and elicit a sympathetic attitude."
The relatively guileless Ford was happy to tell Anderson that the American
national interest "had to be on the side of Indonesia." He may or may not have
been aware that he was thereby giving the lie to everything ever said by
Kissinger on the subject. [2001] The Case Against Henry Kissinger. The making
of a war criminal by Christopher Hitchens